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ISIS Report 12/10/09
UK’S Lackluster Low Carbon Transition Plan
Belated, good in parts, but not green and definitely
lacking in vision. Prof. Peter Saunders and Brett Cherry
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The belated
The world is shifting to renewable energies in the wake of peak oil and accelerating global warming.
Contrary to exhausting supplies of fossil and nuclear fuels, renewable energy
is inexhaustible energy. In 2008,
more capacity in renewable energies has been added than conventional, and the
trend is continuing, with many politicians and experts considering 100 percent
renewable by 2050 a distinct possibility [1] (see Green Energies - 100%
Renewable by 2050, ISIS publication). The German
government, for one, appears to have made 50 to 100 percent renewable energy by
2050 its target [2] (Germany 100 Percent
Renewables by 2050, SiS 44)
The UK has lagged far behind. It is trailing the
EU league for renewables, being third from bottom ahead of Luxembourg and Malta
[3]. UK received 1 percent of its energy from renewables in 1995; that increased
to 1.3 percent ten years later in 2005, and is currently about 1.8 percent.
The UK government’s White Paper [4] is a belated
attempt to salvage the situation by taking on board the message of the Stern
Report [5, 6] (see The
Economics of Climate Change, SiS 33) including
the positive finding that mitigating climate change is not only possible but
affordable.
The good
The short term aim is that by 2020 the UK’s emissions should
be reduced by 18 percent from the 2008 level, a larger reduction if the
Copenhagen summit agrees appropriate international targets. By 2050, emissions
are to be cut by 80 per cent from 1990 levels, a target recommended by the
Independent Committee on Climate Change as the UK’s contribution to halving
global emissions by 2050.
A separate report, The UK Renewable Energy
Strategy 2009 [7] from the Department of Energy and Climate Change sets out
a path to a “legally binding target” of 15 percent of UK’s energy from
renewables by 2020, reducing 750 Mt CO2 by 2030, and decreasing UK’s
overall fossil fuel demand by around 10 percent and gas imports by 20-30
percent. A £100 billion new investment will create 500 000 jobs in the
renewable energy sector.
The White Paper [4] contains a great deal of
detail on how the targets are to be achieved. There is a long list of measures
(see Box 1) for producing low carbon energy and for reducing energy
consumption, and a long appendix giving the savings that each is supposed to
contribute. There is to be an EU-wide carbon trading scheme with a total that
reduces year by year. There is to be support for energy conservation, for the
development of renewable energy sources, for measures to reduce emissions from
farms, for the creation of more woodland to remove CO2 from the
atmosphere, and more. That’s the good news.
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Box 1
Key proposals
·
All major Government departments have been allocated their own carbon budget
and must produce their own plan
·
About 30 percent of
electricity to come from renewables by 2020
·
Up to four demonstration
coal burning power plants with carbon capture and storage
·
Facilitate the building of
new nuclear power stations
·
About £3.2 billion to help
households become more energy efficient; smart meters in every home.
·
People and businesses to be
paid for generating electricity from low carbon sources
·
Assistance to low income
groups
·
Support development of green
industry including up to £120 million investment in offshore wind and £60
million for marine energy
·
A 40 percent cut in average
CO2 emissions from new cars in EU. Support for new electric cars.
·
A framework for tackling
emissions from farming
·
A “smart grid”
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The bad
The bad news is that there will be great reliance on carbon
capture and storage and on nuclear power; both not renewable, not sustainable
and not green (see Chapters 3-7, 9, 10 in [1]). The Government will seek an
agreement on including international air and sea transport into the national
emission totals, but there is nothing about taxing aviation fuel, or plan to
reduce air travel.
The basic principle underlying the White Paper
is “Business as usual, only smarter”. We will unplug our old fossil fuel and
nuclear power stations from the grid and plug in new, hopefully better ones. We
will continue to rely heavily on private transport, though with cars that emit
less CO2 per mile. There will be at least as much air travel in 2050
as today, though in more efficient aircraft. And so on.
Life was very different 50 years ago and it will
be very different 50 years from now. It will have to be, if our descendents are
to live well and yet produce only a tiny fraction of the greenhouse gases that
we do. In a White Paper that claims to look 50 years ahead, there is remarkably
little in the way of forward planning to avoid committing our successors to a
life style that’s essentially the same as ours. Many crucial things like the
design of our cities and major infrastructure such as railways take a very long
time to change, and if they are to be ready for 2050 the planning has to start
now.
The worse: emission credits
Within the EU, a carbon trading scheme allows some
flexibility while the total emissions are being reduced (see Box 2). The White
Paper, however, anticipates that rather than
driving through all the emissions cuts to which it has committed itself, the UK
will purchase credits “that will deliver emissions reductions in developing
economies.” In other words, the UK will reduce its carbon emissions by
less than it has agreed to and the developing countries will reduce theirs by
more.
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Box 2
What is carbon trading?
The principle of carbon trading is that a central body,
such as a government or an international organisation, sets a limit, or ‘cap’,
on the total amount of greenhouse gases (GHGs) that can be emitted. Companies
buy or are given credits that allow them to emit given amounts of GHGs. If they
want to emit more GHGs than they have credits for, they can buy them from
companies that intend to emit less than their allowances.
The EU Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) is the largest
system of this kind but it will still cover only 45 percent of the EU’s
emissions. There are a number of criticisms of the EU ETS.
· Countries can offset their carbon emissions by
purchasing other countries’ unused carbon allowances, resulting in little if
any real reduction in total carbon emissions; when offset is done in developing
countries as the UK White Paper intends, it effectively places extra burden on
developing countries to reduce their emissions [8]
· In the first phase, generators benefited from
windfall profits by passing the notional cost of carbon permits onto customers
even though they had paid nothing for them. The customers may have to pay
again when carbon allowances are no longer free for generators from 2013 [9].
· The EU ETS is concerned only with carbon dioxide
and does not include other important GHGs such as methane and nitrous oxide [10].
· The data set used by the EU ETS does not extend
back before 2005 with the result that some countries are likely to receive
over-allocations of carbon credits [11].
· If carbon trading is to be effective, the price
of carbon needs to be at a level that encourages countries to reduce emissions
while also promoting new technology. In general, carbon trading schemes
advantage old companies over new entrants, yet it is the latter that are more
likely to be employing low carbon technology [6].
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The effect could be very large indeed. About 70 percent of UK emissions come from industrial
sectors that are within the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) and the
Government does not propose to limit the number of credits that can be bought
to meet the reduction target for this sector. Only that can explain why
the Government can issue a White Paper detailing the swingeing cuts in
emissions that are going to be required and at the same time give the go-ahead
for a third runway at Heathrow and at least four new coal-fired power stations
without CCS [11].
Carbon
capture and storage
At present,
about 45 percent of our electricity is generated from gas and about 32 percent
from coal. (See Fig. 1). The White paper estimates that in 2020, those figures
will still be 29 percent and 22 percent respectively. The Government is
placing great reliance on carbon capture and storage (CCS) in which the carbon
dioxide produced in burning fossil fuels is captured and transported to an
underground repository such as a depleted oil field. As the White Paper itself
admits, this has never been tried on a commercial scale, and while the three
stages have each been shown to work, the process as a whole has not [12] (see Carbon Capture and Storage
A False Solution, SiS 39)
Figure 1 UK’s planned transition to low carbon electricity generation
The new Department of Energy and Climate Change
is to support up to four demonstration plants, and as other countries are going
to build them as well, the Government is confident that a way will be found to
make CCS safe and economical on the scale required. If not, it is hard to see
how the targets will be met, because there is no plan B.
If CCS does work, there will be increased
worldwide demand for fossil fuels; thereby hastening the arrival of peak gas
and coal in addition to oil, especially because the CCS system is estimated to
use up between 10 and 40 per cent of the energy produced by the plants to which
it is fitted [12].
NUCLEAR ENERGY
At present, about 13 per cent of our electricity comes from
nuclear. This will be reduced to 8 per cent by 2020 because old stations will
be decommissioned faster than new ones can be built; the proportion is intended
to rise again after 2020 but there is no target figure.
One of the strongest arguments against nuclear
power is that it is not economical. The nuclear industry has been notorious for
cost overruns during construction of power plants. But that is nothing compared
to the downstream costs of decommissioning and waste management and disposal [13,
14] (Nuclear
Industry’s Financial and Safety Nightmare and The Nuclear Black Hole,
SiS 40). When the Thatcher government privatised the
electricity generating industry in 1989, they were unable to sell off the
nuclear power stations that were not seen as good investments. The taxpayer had
to take over all the liabilities and the costs of running the dirtiest,
loss-making parts of the industry at Sellafield, now £3 billion a year and
rising. Meanwhile the cost of clean-up and decommissioning has ballooned to
over £73 billion. Sellafield has become the world’s nuclear waste dump with no
end in sight, its waste reprocessing plants non-functional, and there is as yet
no designated final waste repository.
According to the White Paper, “it will be for
energy companies to fund, develop and build new nuclear power stations in the
UK, including the full costs of decommissioning and their full share of waste
management and disposal costs.” That means the Government will build a facility
to dispose of the waste from existing plants and the industry will be expected
to pay only the extra cost of adding waste from the new ones. The Government
has not yet decided how to estimate those costs but it seems likely that the
companies will pay a risk premium in return for which there will be an upper
limit to what they will be required to contribute. Anything above that limit
will be again for the taxpayer to cover.
If we go ahead with nuclear
power, our children and grandchildren are likely to find themselves picking up
a bill for waste disposal that will make our £73 billion look pretty small
beer. They will be burdened with toxic and radioactive wastes of mammoth
proportions including those we haven’t been able to deal with.
Safety is decidedly a major issue with nuclear
power [15] (Close-up on Nuclear
Safety, SiS 40). It turns out that no
nuclear power plant, not even the ‘generation 3’ reactors under construction
are proof against malfunction or malevolent attacks. In addition, a main source
of hazard is spent fuel stored on site in overcrowded cooling ponds before they
are shipped out for storage in the final repository. These can easily catch
fire and cause explosions. Sellafield has been declared “the most hazardous
place in Europe” by its deputy managing director [16], and a “slow motion
Chernobyl” by Greenpeace.
The fallout from Chernobyl was 30 to 40 times
that released by the atom bombs of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan during World
War II. A 2005 report attributed to Chernobyl 56 direct deaths and an estimated
4 000 extra cancer cases among the approximately 600 000 most highly exposed,
and 5 000 among the 6 million living nearby [17].
There is also strong new evidence from Germany
linking childhood leukemia and proximity to nuclear power stations, This gives
a hint on the health burdens of accumulating toxic and radioactive wastes from
the nuclear industry to present and future generations.
But the White Paper persists in dismissing such
evidence, as the UK Government has been doing for years (see Box 3).
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Box 3
Childhood cancers linked to nuclear power stations
For years there have been conflicting reports about whether
the incidence of childhood cancers, especially leukaemia, is higher in the
vicinity of nuclear power stations. As the numbers are small it can be
difficult to decide whether an observed cluster represents a real effect or
merely due to chance [18].
Now research commissioned by the German Bundesamt für Strahlenschutz (BfS, Federal Office for Radiation Protection)
[19, 20] found a significantly increased incidence of leukaemia in children
living within 5 km of a nuclear power plant, and a smaller but still
significant increase in children living between 5 km and 10 km. They also found
a statistically significant regression coefficient between the increased
incidence of leukaemia and distance from the power station; this correlation is
more compelling evidence than the existence of clusters. Their conclusions have
been confirmed in a recent detailed analysis [21]
But the UK Government dismissed this evidence in
its White Paper [4] on the grounds that the correlation does not prove that
ionising radiation emitted by German nuclear power stations was the cause of
the leukaemia. It also stressed that the report of the UK Committee on Medical
Aspects of Radiation in the Environment (COMARE), which found no link, was
based on a considerably larger number of cases, but did not mention that the
BfS report was based on a “case-control” study in which each information such
as the distance from the home to the power station was known exactly for each
child in the study [22].
In fact, while COMARE found no greater incidence
of cancer near nuclear power stations, it did find a greater incidence near the
nuclear installations at Sellafield, Aldermaston, and Rosyth.
The UK Government is applying as usual the anti-precautionary
principle with regard to childhood cancer and nuclear power stations. This is
much the same argument that the tobacco industry used: just because the
incidence of lung cancer is higher in smokers and correlated with the number of
cigarettes smoked, that does not prove smoking causes lung cancer and there is
no need to stop manufacturing and marketing cigarettes.
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Renewables
In principle, the White Paper [4] is encouraging about the
future of renewable energy, and the detailed strategy laid out in a separate
report [7]. The Government says it will encourage wind power, both onshore and
offshore; it will retain the Renewables Obligation and Climate Change levy to
encourage investment in renewables, and make it easier to connect to the grid.
Feed-in tariffs for renewables will be introduced [7]. It will investigate the
possibility of power from the Severn Estuary; it will support anaerobic
digestion, and so on. But there is certainly nothing like the enthusiasm
expressed by the German Federal Ministry of Economics and Technology, which
sees renewables as a major industry in Germany and boasts that “Renewables made
in Germany” are already highly successful in world markets [23].
Transport
Domestic transport is responsible for about a fifth of the
UK’s emissions, and the White Paper proposes many measures for reducing this
contribution, from electric cars to improving the tyres on heavy goods
vehicles. There is a lot on making cars more carbon efficient and some on
incentives to move from car to rail or bus or even bicycle. But there is
nothing about redesigning our cities to make a car less of a necessity.
It is not easy to make this sort of change, but
the White Paper is about the period up to 2020 and looks ahead to 2050. This
gives the government the opportunity to introduce long term policies that will
make it possible to move away from dependence on car ownership without
detracting from the quality of life.
Another disappointing feature is that the
government assumes there will be even more air travel in 2050 than today.
While there are plans to move traffic from road to rail, the Government seems
to have little interest in discouraging air travel. On the contrary, it
reiterates the importance of expanding the capacity of Heathrow. Shortly after
the White Paper was published, however, plans were announced for a high speed
rail service connecting London and Glasgow. We have not heard the last of this
debate.
Land and waste
Farming, forestry and land management are responsible for about 7 per cent of
UK greenhouse gas emissions; and the release of methane from decomposing waste
accounts for a further 4 percent
Most of the emissions from farms come either
from animals or from fertiliser, and farmers will be shown how to reduce these.
The Government does not, however, mean to take this as far as giving additional
support to organic farming. This is most disappointing in view of the enormous
potential that organic agriculture and localised food and energy systems have
for saving energy and mitigating climate change, as documented in our report [24]
(Food
Futures Now: *Organic *Sustainable *Fossil Fuel Free, ISIS publication) and updated since [25] (Organic Agriculture and Localized Food
& Energy Systems for Mitigating Climate Change, SiS 40).
The international aspect
Climate change is a global problem and needs global
solutions. Up to a point, the government is conscious of this. It recognises,
for example, the need to have globally agreed targets for the reduction of CO2
emissions and an agreement on how to include international air and sea
transport in the total.
But a document that looks forward to 2050 should
be thinking more about what the world will be like by then. We will have
reached the end of the era in which the relatively few of us in the North have
a life style very different from the rest. You only have to visit China or
India or many other developing countries to see this change happening. By 2050,
what is now the third world will have caught up economically and will be able
to pay for oil, coal, gas and even uranium at the same rate that we do, and
emit CO2 at the same per capita rate. Buying
emissions credits from developing countries is immoral; there will soon come a
time when we also won’t be able to afford it.
Conclusion
Parts of the White Paper are, as the curate said,
excellent. It makes the case that climate change is real and it commits the UK
government to doing something about it. The plan is detailed enough that every
sector knows what is expected of it; no one is going to be able to do nothing
on the grounds that their contribution to the total is too small to matter.
There are, however, important shortcomings;
notably the heavy reliance on nuclear energy, the hazards and the problems
surrounding waste disposal very much played down; and carbon capture and
storage that has never been properly tested either for safety or for economic
viability. .
Most of all, the White Paper is remarkably
unimaginative in envisaging a UK in 2050 very little different from today:
still relying heavily on fossil fuels, still travelling by air and in private
cars, still taking it for granted that as a wealthy country it has first call
on the world’s non-renewable resources and will be able to buy all emissions
credits it needs, leaving the real reductions to be made by others.
Recent events are making the White Paper
obsolete almost before the ink is dry. In the USA, the nuclear power industry
has so far failed in its efforts to overturn any ban on building more reactors,
and the Obama administration had put a freeze on Yucca Mountain as long-term
waste disposal site. Even Canada, which has its own supplies of uranium and its
own design of reactor, the CANDU, has put its programme on hold (see Chapter 3
of [1]). The UK Committee on Climate Change told the Government that if air
travel is not curbed, the rest of the economy will have to cut emissions by 90
percent rather than the currently expected 80 percent [26]. What’s more, the
Chair of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change is advising that rather
than allow the greenhouse gas level in the atmosphere, currently 385 ppm, to
stabilise at 450 ppm, we must reduce it to 350 ppm if we are to avoid
irreversible climate catastrophe [27] (350ppm CO2 the Target,
SiS 44).
The Government will have to think again, and be
both bolder and wiser.
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There are 3 comments on this article so far. Add your comment
| Bill Hamilton Comment left 13th October 2009 09:09:07 The views expressed in the article concerning the decommissioning of legacy nuclear plants in the UK to do not stand up to any detailed scrutiny. The authors state that the costs of decommissioning are "ballooning". However, if they had read the NDA Strategy published in April 2006 and available on the NDA website they would have seen that the NDa always predicted a bell curve in terms of clean-up costs in that as the organisation got a better understanding of what was there then costs would rise, but then begin to fall as efficiencies of scale and the application of proper project management and technological innovation are brought to bear. A reading of the NDA's Annual Report published in July 2009 would show only a 1% increase in lifetime decommissioning costs over the year showing that the bell curve theory is working out in practice.
Secondly, the article alleges that reprocessing plants at Sellafield are not operational. this is simply not true. These plants have contributed in excess of £1 billion over the past four years that has been used to offset the cost of decommissioning, something else ignored by the authors in their assertions. | andrew fawcett Comment left 14th October 2009 18:06:38 you say that the German government has targeted 50% to 100% of its energy to be renewable by 2050.
OK, which, 50% or 100%???
there is a big difference. | Polprav Comment left 17th October 2009 08:08:04 Hello from Russia!
Can I quote a post in your blog with the link to you? |
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