Guest Editorial from Alan Simpson MP - Skylines Beyond
The Summit
Summits that fail to deliver
Let us be clear about where we are now. The
Copenhagen summit is more likely to be sabotaged, not by climate change denial,
but by the history of self-deception that has characterised global summits.
Kyoto was seen
as an Earth-saving agreement. In reality,
pitifully few of those who signed up to it delivered on their commitments. In
1996, the World Food Summit in Rome pledged to
cut the number of people suffering from hunger and malnutrition by half before
2015. The target was to reduce world hunger to less than 420 million people. In
2009, the World Bank calculated that the numbers had risen to over 1 billion.
In October 2009,
European leaders agreed that by 2020 a sum of €100bn a year would have to be
allocated towards tackling global warming, specifically in the developing
world. The trouble was that no one could then agree who should pay for it.
Collectively, the EU said only that it would seek to persuade others to share
the bill. Poland and other East European states did not want to pay anything.
The Germans fought hard to avoid any specific funding pledges. They wanted to
see what the US, Japan and others would contribute. The Swedes and Danes
(bless ‘em) were up for cash commitments, but, in the end, were forced to accept
that others would sign up only to a fund that was ‘voluntary’.
Voluntary
schemes drown in their own shallowness. Few of the rich nations will pay the
levy, but that the poor will pay the price. So, the summit ended with another
chasm that divided the press release from the practical solutions.
Global summits
have become denial mechanisms around which current vested interests block any
engagement with unstoppable forces that will reshape the future.
Energy
What Copenhagen ought to address is an almost
fundamental reconstruction of global institutions and producing a framework of
post-globalisation economics that lives within a maximum 2 °C increase in
global temperatures.
Rajendar
Pachauri, head of the International Panel on Climate Change, gives us about
three years in which to deliver this policy shift, and the following seven
years to make it work. Almost everything that follows will be shaped by
transformations we make in the coming decade. Human existence has never been at
a more critical turning point.
Saying this is
not a counsel of despair. Never have we had so much at our fingertips that
would make it possible for a genuine transformation of how societies work;
living better, but living differently. It is just that we cannot get there
through the current rules, markets and institutions that, between them, suck
the life out of life.
Today’s energy
markets are rigged in favour of Big Energy; global corporations, as dependant
on their outown pollution as they are on state subsidies for dealing with it.
UK households pay £3bn a year to manage the waste from nuclear power plants.
Domestic energy bills will pick up the £2 bn cost of each ‘pilot’ carbon
capture and storage (CCS) scheme. This cost will spiral if we want all CO2
capturing rather than just a bit of it. Practically and intellectually,
it will turn out to be a scam within the ‘Carry on Polluting’ film that just
keeps running.
It gets no
better when you look at carbon offsetting or carbon emissions trading.
Pollution permits worth billions of pounds are handed out (free) to the biggest
polluters. The cost goes onto your tax or energy bill. The nuclear industry
now wants another ‘hidden’ subsidy by asking the government to guarantee them a
‘floor price’ for carbon of at least $30 a tonne. Unless nuclear can get
access to such a subsidy if cannot remotely break even.
You don’t have
to get lost in the detail of this murky world. Just understand two things.
The first is that we do not have a free market in energy. It is a market dominated
by oligopolies with an over-riding enthusiasm for oligopolistic profits. The
second point is that Big Energy has no interest in a shift into decentralised,
renewable energy, particularly if it is owned by citizens rather than
corporations.
Most energy
companies hate the idea of paying citizens for ‘clean’ energy that we generate
for ourselves. That is why there has been such opposition to ambitious
feed-in-tariffs that could deliver 10-15 percent of our energy from renewable
sources by 2020.
Germany already
exceeds this figure and their citizens love it. By 2050 they intend to meet
all of their energy needs from renewable sources. The UK could do the same.
Some of this could come from technologies that are 20 years old (or longer).
Others will need to harness today’s emerging technologies or science.
The key is to
harness science and community together. When people are the common owners (or
stakeholders) of their own energy systems it transforms the planning process.
Energy security becomes a local priority when we have to deliver it
ourselves. This is the lesson we have forgotten about in our own history. All
of Britain’s founding energy companies, from 1817-1890, were locally and
publicly owned.
Food
The same analysis needs to be applied to how
we deliver food security. Siren (corporate) voices will argue otherwise.
Monsanto is back offering Omega 3 rich Soya. (to save the world’s fish stocks).
Remember ‘Golden rice’, that would end child blindness and drought resistant
everything that would save Africa? The real agenda has never changed. Monsanto et
al want to own the patents, charge royalties and end the farmers’ right to
save their own seeds. It is about who owns the food chain rather than how to
feed the planet.
Lasting answers
to food security will come through conventional plant breeding to improve
crops, combination planting to deal with blight and other diseases, localised
market systems to reduce crop losses, a humbler relationship to water, and a
more honest approach to population.
In Malawi, 100
000 smallholders have intercropped ‘fertiliser trees’ within their maize
planting. This fixes nitrogen in the soil and had tripled maize yields. In
Kenya, Napier grass was planted between corn crops to trap the corn borer,
which had been destroying up to 30 percent of the crop. Dwarf plant varieties
have successfully diverted the energy of plants from stem growth into grain
yield. Localised markets have avoided huge crop losses, up to 50 percent, where
there have been infrastructure problems of storage or transportation.
None of these
solutions require the surrender of farmers’ rights to GM crops and corporate
ownership. They do, however, force us to plan for their survival in a warmer,
drier world. Even the South of England must face this challenge. At present, it
has 10 times less available water per person than Spain. In future, it will
have even less. Every one of us must become more reverential towards rainfall.
No less
challenging will be the construction of a different relationship between land,
water, crops and cattle. The World Watch Institute has just produced a report
attributing 51 percent of annual greenhouse gas emissions to livestock rearing.
It does not factor in health impacts, water requirements or the energy inputs
for each calorie of output. In the end, however, it may be peak water that
forces our most urgent re-think about meat. Which brings me finally to
ourselves.
Population
Population is the taboo area of global
politics. Future scenarios talk of 9 billion people on the planet by 2050,
without questioning whether this is remotely sustainable. James Lovelock argues
that by ignoring this question, we will drive climate change to a point where
the planet will only support 1 billion ‘survivors’ by 2100.
War is the
‘default’ position of population policies. In the absence of family planning,
it obliterates families altogether. Peak water, peak soil, peak phosphates or
peak oil could all simply change the terrain of slaughter.
A hint of this
came in the recent tribal conflicts in Kenya. Their worst drought in decades
saw tribes throughout Kenya fighting each other over the water that remained.
The starkest example came after a dawn raid in Kanampiu. The press report said
simply “When the shooting stopped 33 people lay dead, along with some 280
animals”. It was the animals that got to me. In conditions of scarcity, you
don’t have to kill people, just the things their lives depend on.
In Yemen, the
country has already run out of water. Water trucks, with drivers armed with
Kalashnikovs, are the only source of sustenance in a land where even dreams are
arid. For many, fight or flight becomes the desperate choice of survival.
For the rest of
us, the implication is that we may have to reverse the hidden water transfers
of recent decades. Cheap goods that the West imported drew on water resources
for their production that developing nations barely had enough of. In the
future, we will have to find imaginative way of returning the water. The
alternative is to accept that tidal migrations of people will follow the water.
These stark
realities ought to force the pace of transformation. Reducing over consumption
in the West might make subsistence consumption possible for the rest. National
food security policies must replace today’s global free for all. Localised
energy systems can turn waste into energy (often with natural fertiliser and
water) as a by-product. Ingenuity and interdependence can take us into a realm
where sustaining and repairing the planet could deliver a future we can
genuinely pass on to our children. Ultimately, there may be little else that
matters.
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